{"id":3428,"date":"2024-12-23T07:35:42","date_gmt":"2024-12-23T07:35:42","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/natharatmouchrika.net\/home\/?p=3428"},"modified":"2024-12-23T07:35:42","modified_gmt":"2024-12-23T07:35:42","slug":"why-indias-muslims-face-domestic-colonialism-in-modis-third-term","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/natharatmouchrika.net\/home\/?p=3428","title":{"rendered":"Why India\u2019s Muslims face domestic colonialism in Modi\u2019s third term"},"content":{"rendered":"

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\u2018Modi has already shown what he and his BJP are capable of.\u2019<\/p>\n

Only two days into India\u2019s six-week-long general elections, Prime Minister Narendra Modi unleashed yet another tirade against the country\u2019s largest religious minority: Addressing a rally in the western state of Rajasthan, Modi\u00a0called<\/a>\u00a0India\u2019s 200 million Muslims \u201cinfiltrators\u201d.<\/p>\n

The remarks drew widespread ire. Thousands of enraged civil society members\u00a0wrote<\/a>\u00a0to the Election Commission, seeking action against the PM for his \u201cdangerous speech\u201d, calling it a \u201cdirect attack\u201d on Indian Muslims.<\/p>\n

But none of this is new, or unexpected, in India anymore. As a member of the minority community myself, I face such attacks daily even if they are at a symbolic level.<\/p>\n

Since Modi and his Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) came to power in 2014, all aspects of civil society have come under increasingly brazen attack.<\/p>\n

But with Modi poised to assume the premiership for a third consecutive term, his open use of terms like \u201cvote jihad<\/a>\u201d on the campaign trail is now a matter of grave concern for India\u2019s Muslims, and for minorities more broadly.<\/p>\n

Over his 10 years at the helm, Modi has already shown what he and his BJP are capable of: A brazen populist push for greater disenfranchisement of non-Hindus, and attempts at tightening their grip on power through just about whatever means necessary.<\/p>\n

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As he rose to power a decade ago, Modi was still dogged by\u00a0accusations<\/a>\u00a0that he didn\u2019t do enough to stop a bloody pogrom against Muslims in Gujarat, but his victory was praised as a story of triumph \u2013 the\u00a0humble<\/a>\u00a0chaiwala\u2019s\u00a0son<\/a>\u00a0who went on to become Prime Minister.<\/p>\n

David Cameron\u00a0said<\/a>\u00a0India was \u201cfortunate\u201d to have a leader who \u201chas deeply thought about long-term problems\u201d in the country. Barack Obama\u00a0called<\/a>\u00a0him a \u201cman of action\u201d, and Donald Trump went so far as to say Modi\u00a0was<\/a>\u00a0\u201cthe Father of India\u201d, after crediting him with bringing Indians together.<\/p>\n

What received less international attention is the fact that the BJP is an extension of Sangh Parivar, a collective of militant Hindutva organisations spearheaded by the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh or RSS \u2014 who want to see India as a Hindu rashtra, or nation.<\/p>\n

The emergence of an explicitly Hindu country would transform the India state into the antithesis of what was envisaged in its constitution.<\/p>\n

As someone who has followed the ascent of Modi and his BJP closely, I know that it would endanger tens of millions of Indians as it would mean the suspension of core institutions, principles, and instruments that characterise secularism and democracy.<\/p>\n

This Hindu nationalist mentality, which has seemingly gained in popularity over the last 10 years, is even more\u00a0dangerous<\/a>\u00a0now that Modi has managed to secure a third term that puts him on an equal standing with the nation\u2019s first post-independence leader, Jawaharlal Nehru.<\/p>\n

Humanitarian implications<\/h2>\n

This danger extends well beyond anti-minority and Islamophobic rhetoric. For example, Modi and the BJP\u2019s desire to consolidate power has also taken a massive toll on India\u2019s humanitarian and aid sector.<\/p>\n

Since its rise to power, the BJP government has clipped the wings of thousands of aid agencies and NGOs that were often the only ones reaching out to marginalised and downtrodden communities.<\/p>\n

Early in Modi\u2019s premiership, back in 2016, India\u2019s Ministry of Home Affairs\u00a0cancelled<\/a>\u00a0the Foreign Contribution Regulation Act (FCRA) licences of more than 20,000 local NGOs across India, greatly impacting the ability of aid to reach the nation\u2019s most needy.<\/p>\n

This bureaucratic crackdown has only intensified since and, more worryingly for NGO leaders, when the government declines to renew their five-year licences, it typically includes an unsubstantiated claim of \u201cmisuse or diversion of foreign funds\u201d.<\/p>\n

There are no details or potential remedies given. Even when the media does try to inquire, we are met with silence or ambivalence from the BJP.<\/p>\n

Through such measures, the government has halted the work of organisations like Greenpeace, Amnesty International, ActionAid and, most\u00a0recently<\/a>, the Centre for Policy Research, a well-respected New Delhi-based think tank that was founded in 1973.<\/p>\n

In a nation where\u00a060%<\/a>\u00a0of the population still lives on less than $3.10 a day, suspensions and restrictions of aid organisations can have a major impact on tens of millions of lives. As such, civil society organisations have come to see the weaponisation of the FCRA as a calculated tool of suppression.<\/p>\n

In February, the offices of the Centre for Equity Studies, an advocacy organisation run by notable human rights activist Harsh Mander, were raided. The Central Bureau of Investigation, or CBI,\u00a0filed<\/a>\u00a0a First Information Report (FIR) against Mander for FCRA violations. The CBI alleges that the organisation transferred hundreds of thousands of rupees to personal accounts or in a manner that seems to go against regulations.<\/p>\n

The case against Mander, which has no legal merit, is part of a wider witch hunt against activists for their humanitarian efforts. A month before raiding Mander\u2019s organisation, the government cracked down on World Vision India, one of the largest Christian voluntary organisations in India. Its FCRA licence was cancelled,\u00a0disrupting<\/a>\u00a0humanitarian services for more than three million children.<\/p>\n

The Modi government\u2019s punitive actions against aid agencies and humanitarian services lay bare how such organisations are perceived within the larger imagination of the Sangh Parivar and the BJP.<\/p>\n

According to a report by India\u2019s domestic intelligence services at the start of Modi\u2019s tenure, local NGOs are fronts for foreign interests trying to undermine India\u2019s development. Greenpeace was\u00a0seen<\/a>\u00a0as an organisation that \u201ccreates obstacles in India\u2019s energy plans\u201d. while Amnesty International and Action Aid were sponsors of \u201canti-national\u201d protests.<\/p>\n

It\u2019s no coincidence that a major part of the work of aid agencies intersects directly with the interests of India\u2019s Indigenous and minority communities. Indigenous communities have long faced\u00a0eviction<\/a>\u00a0from the land of their ancestors, while minorities have been subjected\u00a0to increasing attacks and violence<\/a>\u00a0over the last decade of Modi\u2019s leadership.<\/p>\n

Polarising the people<\/h2>\n

There was more to Modi\u2019s \u201cinfiltrator\u201d remark than a simple vilification of a religious community. It was a classic case of misinformation peddling and hate speech by a high-ranking politician during an election cycle \u2013 a clear modus operandi his BJP has been\u00a0deploying<\/a>\u00a0for over a decade.<\/p>\n

In simple terms, Modi was looking to polarise the world\u2019s largest electorate \u2013 968 million people eligible to vote in a seven-phase election across 543 constituencies, 28 states, and eight Union Territories between 19 April and 1 June.<\/p>\n

For India\u2019s Muslims, who constitute 14.2% of the country\u2019s 1.4 billion citizens, facing such hatred is not new.<\/p>\n

During Modi\u2019s rule, attacks against Muslims have\u00a0risen<\/a>\u00a0sharply. Just before he launched his campaign, Modi inaugurated the Ram Mandir temple in Uttar Pradesh, which is to be built over a historic mosque. His presence and the building of the temple emboldened BJP supporters, who took to the streets to profess their appreciation. This led to\u00a0violent clashes<\/a>\u00a0in several states across the country, and a Muslim graveyard in\u00a0Bihar<\/a>\u00a0was reportedly set on fire \u2013 just one of many incidents that show how the actions of Modi and his supporters are denting India\u2019s much-vaunted global image as a secular country.<\/p>\n

The reality is that across political and intellectual spectrums, Muslims are already too often assumed to be an undesirable and foreign entity, while, for the majority, the identity of India is perceived as inherently and purely Hindu.<\/p>\n

Critics fear that new attacks on democratic rights during a third Modi term could be unleashed on minorities of all kinds \u2013 on anyone who can be framed as a visible threat to the majority community.<\/p>\n

Legal provisions and extra-legal measures could further reduce minorities to the margins. For Muslims, this reality is already unfolding. In Uttarakhand, a Himalayan state popular for its Hindu pilgrimage sites, Muslims are living\u00a0on the edge<\/a>: Hindu extremist groups have told them to leave or face consequences.<\/p>\n

An otherwise gorgeous valley, Uttarakhand is becoming a test site for extreme right-wing policies that could be replicated in other states, targeting other minority groups.<\/p>\n

Even living in the capital city, I encounter situations where my minority identity becomes a subject for mockery or abuse. The situation is far worse for minorities in India\u2019s more remote areas. And it\u2019s not just Muslims who are being targeted.<\/p>\n

Christians, for instance, have come\u00a0under attack<\/a>\u00a0from far-right Hindu groups across India, while many states have enacted laws that criminalise religious conversion. According to one estimate, there were\u00a0525 attacks<\/a>\u00a0against Christians across India in the first eight months of 2023. The main\u00a0fountainhead<\/a>\u00a0of Christian persecution in India is none other than the Sangh Parivar, the militant collective from where the BJP draws its large-scale constituencies.<\/p>\n

In far-northeastern Manipur, some 250\u00a0churches have been burnt<\/a>\u00a0down in\u00a0violence that has been engulfing the state<\/a>\u00a0for more than a year between the Hindu-majority Meitei and Christian-minority Kuki-Zo communities. This was ignited by a government affirmative action policy. More than 200 people have died, with tens of thousands displaced, while vigilante groups continue to prowl the region.<\/p>\n

Modi\u2019s government was\u00a0accused<\/a>\u00a0of looking the other way when the state was burning, just as he was in Gujarat, where he was serving as chief minister in 2002. Residents also hold chief minister Biren Singh, a BJP politician,\u00a0responsible<\/a>\u00a0for the violence and crackdowns they have faced.<\/p>\n

More regional ethnic fault lines are likely to be exploited by the far-right in the years ahead. A third Modi term will surely deepen these cleavages and put minorities under graver threat.<\/p>\n

Weakening federal structure<\/h2>\n

During Modi\u2019s tenure, power has also become\u00a0more centralised<\/a>, with the federal government having a larger say in the political matters of India\u2019s 28 states. Critics have called this intervention an \u201cassault<\/a>\u201d on the country\u2019s founding federal principles. It also means aid agencies and NGOs working across states have to undergo stricter layers of control.<\/p>\n

A third term for Modi, with the BJP still largely pulling the strings, is likely to see an even more strained relationship between the central government and the states, many of which have accused the prime minister and the ruling party of intimidation and indifference.<\/p>\n

If there is a silver lining in the emerging election results, it is that the fantasies of the BJP to get a two-thirds majority \u2013 and a potential mandate for Modi to amend the constitution and move India closer to their ideal of a Hindu rashtra \u2013 have been shattered.<\/p>\n

But efforts to pave the way for the full blooming of the Citizenship Amendment Act, the National Population Register, and the National Register of Citizens \u2013 all of which would give rise to a new category of \u201cdoubtful citizens\u201d \u2013 will continue, if not intensify.<\/p>\n

These \u201cdoubtful citizens\u201d \u2013 those who can\u2019t provide the right documentation \u2013 may become fodder for new anti-minority narratives and policies, the scale and scope of which would be unimaginable.<\/p>\n

It is just a matter of a few months before we\u2019ll see whether these seemingly disparate developments coalesce and move India further towards a \u201ccreeping authoritarianism<\/a>\u201d. I fear they will.<\/p>\n

Link : https:\/\/www.thenewhumanitarian.org\/opinion\/2024\/06\/05\/why-india-muslims-face-domestic-colonialism-modi-third-term<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/figure>\n<\/div>\n

 <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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